The judicial system was used to persecute dissenting voices and punish those who denounced human rights abuses. In Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan, human rights defenders faced fabricated charges initiated by local authorities or law enforcement officials whose abuses had been exposed. Even when ending with an acquittal, the trials hindered the work of human rights organisations by diverting time and resources.

Impunity continued to be pervasive in many countries. In the North Caucasus, law enforcement officials continued to target those exposing their abuses. In Chechnya, HRDs involved in the investigation of torture, enforced disappearances or extra judicial killings were openly threatened by state officials. Several human rights organisations experienced harassment, questioning and inspections but decided not to report publicly about these instances due to fear of retaliation. State officials approached family members of human rights defenders to channel their message that their work should stop. In Dagestan, human rights defenders and lawyers continued to face threats, intimidation and judicial harassment because they defended individuals accused under anti-terrorism legislation.

Attacks and persecution against defenders of economic, social and cultural rights were on the increase. In many countries, human rights were depicted as an obstacle to economic development. In Kazakhstan, trade unionists and those supporting the demands of workers of the oil and gas industry in the Mangistau region were subjected to judicial harassment, unlawful detention, physical attacks and the violent dispersal of protests. In Uzbekistan, HRDs denouncing the use of forced child labour in the cotton fields were threatened, questioned and detained. In Azerbaijan, HRDs who protested against forced evictions in Baku were intimidated and the office of an NGO was bulldozed.

LGBTI rights defenders faced threats, attacks, intimidation and smear campaigns in all countries of the region. In Central Asia, North Cacausus and Azerbaijan, the atmosphere of intolerance was such that LGBTI rights defenders could not operate openly because of fear of being targeted. In the Russian Federation, gay parades continued to be banned on grounds that the authorities could not ensure the safety of participants. Derogatory language continued to be used by the authorities in the public discourse, which affected the work and public legitimacy of LGBTI rights defenders. In St Petersburg, an LGBTI international festival was attacked by members of religious organisations and, in November, the Legislative Assembly adopted provisions that effectively criminalise the work of LGBTI NGOs. Events organised by LGBTI rights defenders were also banned in Serbia.

Freedom of peaceful assembly continued to be restricted in many countries in the region, and the organisation of peaceful rallies was submitted to a regime of prior authorisation. Cases were reported in Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation, Serbia, and Uzbekistan. Demonstrations in defence of Article 31 of the Constitution, which protects freedom of assembly, continued to be held in different cities of the Russian Federation. They continued to be systematically dispersed by the police and the participants arrested.

Human rights defenders fighting against xenophobia and racism continued to operate in extremely hostile environments throughout the region including in Western Europe. Some progress was observed in the Russian Federation, where the authorities seemed to have become aware of the danger represented by uncontrolled far right paramilitary groups. In a welcome development, the killers of human rights lawyer Stanislav Markelov and journalist Anastasia Baburova were sentenced, and so were other individuals responsible for physical attacks and killings of immigrants. However, nationalism and negative attitudes towards people from the Caucasus and Central Asia continued to grow. In Kyrgyzstan, the lack of a serious investigation into violent ethnic clashes that occurred in the southern part of the country in 2010 continued to affect human rights defenders. Those who continued to assist people of Uzbek origin were depicted as unpatriotic, intimidated and physically attacked. In numerous cases, human rights lawyers were intimidated and targeted even inside courtrooms.

In Uzbekistan, the release of human rights defenders Maxim Popov, Yusuf Juma, Norboy Kholjigitov and Jamshid Karimov was welcome news. However, other HRDs continued to be arrested, serve long term sentences and to be subjected to torture in detention, worsened by the lack of medical assistance. Front Line Defenders received reports that prison authorities forced detained HRDs to sign statements on their well-treatment in prison, possibly to counter future claims of ill-treatment; HRDs who refused to do so were subjected to torture.

In Turkey, a number of human rights defenders, lawyers, trade unionists, politicians, intellectuals and academics engaged in peaceful activities in support of the rights of the Kurdish minority were targeted during successive waves of arrests in April, September and November, under the guise of the fight against terrorism. Four prominent members of the Human Rights Association (IHD) were charged with “membership of an illegal organisation”, and several others remained in pre-trial detention, including IHD General Vice-Chairperson Muharrem Erbey.